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Intimate Politics: Publicity, Privacy and the Personal Lives of Politicians in Media Saturated Democracies (Contemporary Political Communic
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It is often remarked that politicians’ private lives are becoming a feature of political communication in many advanced industrial democracies. However, there have so far been no genuinely comparative studies examining the personalized nature of political communication. Intimate Politics provides for the first time a systematic comparative analysis of such developments in Australia, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, the UK and the US. Drawing on a wide range of primary and secondary sources, it assesses the extent to which the private lives of politicians have become a feature of political communication in each democracy. The book provides a comprehensive account of the shifting boundaries between the public and private, and whether any developments are universal or more advanced in some democracies than others, and seeks to explain why this might be. Intimate Politics will be of great value for students and scholars of communication and media studies and political science and is required reading for anyone who wants a fuller understanding of the transformation of mediated politics in advanced industrial democracies.
- Sales Rank: #4042474 in Books
- Brand: Brand: Polity
- Published on: 2012-11-05
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 8.23" h x .73" w x 5.91" l, .69 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 248 pages
- Used Book in Good Condition
Most helpful customer reviews
3 of 3 people found the following review helpful.
OK, But Misses the Point
By not a natural
James Stayner's Intimate Politics has a suggestively lurid cover that could easily mislead prospective readers as to the nature of his book. Intimate Politics is definitely not written for the broadly intelligent casual reader, whether or not he or she is looking for something sensational. Instead, this book is an exercise in determinedly rigorous scholarship aimed at understanding variability in journalistic coverage of both innocuous and salacious personal characteristics of political figures in the U.S., the U.K., France, Italy, Spain, Germany, and Australia. The author's C.V., posted elsewhere on line, makes clear that, so far, he has based his academic career largely on research regarding what he refers to as the "intimization" of politics from one nation to another.
As a result, he is able to present detailed accounts of ways in which journalistic political discourse has reduced politics to the personal traits and private behavior of conspicuously political people in those nations with which he is familiar. Stayner writes well, and some of his accounts, including the sexual misadventures of Bill Clinton, Jean Sarkozy, and Gerhard Schroeder are on point and reasonably interesting. The same is emphatically true of his brief coverage of Angela Merkel's temperate and intelligent response to tabloid photo-journalists' execrable intrusion into her perfectly innocent down-time, when she was just trying to relax and get some exercise to help deal with her high-stress job.
Snyder's use of simple descriptive statistics and graphs is, for the most part, informative. It does, however, inadvertently call attention to the fact that his efforts to understand the distribution of the "intimization" or personalization of political life, while aimed at identifying relationships of universal applicability, are based on only seven cases, the nations listed above. Inevitably, given so few cases, Stayner's quantitative displays have a much-to-do-about-very-little appearance, something that makes it a bit harder to take his work as seriously as he intends it to be.
Furthermore, one can only wonder if Stayner's work would have any relevance in important but socially and culturally very different countries such as China, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Japan. Understandably, Stayner's cases were selected on the basis of convenience and the strengths and limitations of his own knowledge and research done by others. Issues of this kind are especially important with regard to the value of Stayner's causal models, in which he uses a relatively new, not widely understood statistical technique called Fuzzy set Qualitative Causal Analysis with a small collection of of more of less plausible independent variables to gauge levels of political "intimization" from one of seven nations to another.
It is at this point that the primary conceptual limitations of Stayner's research become evident. His explanation of "intimizaton" is, I think, premised on the accurate judgment that the politics of personality is inconsistent with the development of a political system that meets real needs, thus his references to the work of Richard Sennett and Hannah Arendt. However, he never explains why this might be the case, and how this might modify his selection of explanatory variables in his fuzzy set-based causal models.
It seems to me that we live in an age when political issues, whatever their nature or relative importance, are poorly understood or not understood at all, and the politics of personality has been given pride of place. Rather than limit his work to the cross-national comparative importance of "intimization," Stayner would do well to focus on nation-to-nation variability in the recognized importance of substantive issues, matters of health and well-being, life and death, construction or degradation, issues that make our lives better or worse rather than more or less titillating. Issues such as these are certainly measurable, though perhaps not as easily as the explanatory variables that Stayner uses, but once measured they could be readily inserted into his causal models.
As things stand, Stayner has given us some understanding of why politics is more or less personal or "intimized" in some places rather than in others. His work would be a lot more valuable, however, if he were able to explain why a TV-friendly personality, a pretty face, or a tough guy persona have become more important than demonstrated efficacy in dealing with important issues. That sort of information would help immensely in making politics once again a useful enterprise rather than an increasingly tiresome spectator sport.
1 of 1 people found the following review helpful.
Written for scholars
By Connie
James Stanyer's heavy research and analysis in this book make this book a very socio-scientific book to read. It's more vastly informative than it is entertaining and can be dry at times. For people interested in the power of the media, though, this is a worthwhile read.
The primary countries used are western European countries, where democratic societies rule and public access is open. The United Kingdom, Germany, Australia, France, Italy, Spain and the United States are the primary countries profiled, countries in which the yellow press still likes to sell papers by revealing the most intimate or shocking disclosures of its politicians. Issues that seem to spark scandal are marital infidelities (which started in the early 1970s) and homosexual orientation. Interesting to note is the degree to which the European press delves into the private lives of its leaders. In Europe one's privacy is still very sacred and invasion of privacy a much more heinous crime than the infidelity or homosexual act itself. Another note is the depth of the scandal depends on the competitive market of the tabloid press: the more tabloid papers there are in any market, the more the press will delve into the privacy of its leaders. The United States and the United Kingdom seem to have similar inquisitive media while the other countries profiled tend to back off a bit more.
The second chapter, "Digging for Dirt," summarizes the research. The US press seems fixated on revealing infidelities much more than any other country, revealing our stuffy Puritan heritage Catholic countries, with their taboo on divorce, are much more accepting of marital infidelities than Protestant countries. How much is revealed of a politician's intimate life also depends on the extent of each country's legal privacy protection.
There are other avenues that Stanyer broaches. Some of the insights are revealing, others go into greater detail. What the final result is then is a scholarly book on the socio-political make-up of these European countries with the US and Australia. There are lots of graphs and citations for more depth.
1 of 1 people found the following review helpful.
Intimate Politics: All Democracies are not Created Equal
By Michael Griswold
It is often remarked that politicians' private lives are becoming a feature of political communication in many advanced industrial democracies.
What James Stanyer attempts to do in Intimate Politics is a comparative study of seven industrial democracies: The U.S., UK, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, and Australia to determine the extent that politicians personal lives have become a part of political communication. Without giving too much away, not all democracies are created equal. Some democracies have made politicians personal lives fair game, while other democracies still fiercely guard them, though this distinction is under question.
Stanyer's findings are quite interesting as his answers range from personal factors about individual candidates, political parties, laws on privacy and journalistic norms among others. Stanyer in a relatively brief study (170 pages) is able to produce a series of conclusions that are both easily understood and thought provoking. It is written with the rigor of an academic study, but there's nothing that should be overly intimidating to the non-academic reader considering purchasing this book.
A new and important entry into the literature on democratic politics and the media that should be read by the masses.
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